ESSAY #10 OF THE FEDERALIST
The diversity in the faculties of men from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests. The first part of this combination is moral virtue, which the ethic of subsidiarity teaches is likelier to come from the home than from school, and from life lessons than from textbooks. The regulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principal task of modern legislation, and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the government. From the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property, the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately results; and from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors, ensues a division of the society into different interests and parties. Center for the Study of Language and Information.
The principal questions before the convention became whether the states should remain sovereign, whether sovereignty should be transferred to the national government, or whether a settlement should rest somewhere in between. The apportionment of taxes on the various descriptions of property, is an act which seems to require the most exact impartiality, yet there is perhaps no legislative act in which greater opportunity and temptation are given to a predominant party, to trample on the rules of justice. The link between the assumptions is that, in the time required to communicate across an extensive territory, passions will naturally dissipate. As far back as the s, Tocqueville observed the “irritable patriotism of the Americans,” according to which they could not bear to hear their political institutions criticized. Furtwangler notes that as the series grew, this plan was somewhat changed. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties, against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest?
But it could not be less folly to abolish liberty, which is essential to political life, because it nourishes faction, #100 it would be to wish the annihilation of air, which is essential to animal life, because it imparts to fire its destructive agency.
The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models, both ancient and modern, cannot certainly be fo much admired; but it would be an unwarrantable partiality, to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side, as was wished and expected.
Rather than adopting the repressive ‘cure’ for faction that the majority today endorses, the Framers armed individual citizens with a remedy”. Shall domestic manufactures be encouraged, and in what degree, by restrictions on foreign manufactures? Cornell University Press, But the most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property.
Also, in a republic, the delegates both filter and refine the many demands of the people so as to prevent the type of frivolous claims that impede purely democratic governments. This constitutionalism cannot withstand a politics of instant gratification.
The Avalon Project : The Federalist Papers No. 10
They wanted a republic diverse enough to prevent faction but with enough commonality to maintain cohesion among the states. By its own Article Seventhe constitution drafted by the convention needed ratification by at least nine of the thirteen states, through special conventions held in each state.
But I go on this great republican principle, that the people will have virtue and intelligence to select men of virtue and wisdom. The other point of difference is, the greater number of citizens and extent of territory which may be brought within the compass of republican than of democratic government; and it is this circumstance principally which renders factious combinations less to be dreaded in the former than in the latter.
The question Madison answers, then, is how to eliminate the negative effects of faction. It may clog the administration, it may convulse the society; but it will be unable to execute and mask its violence under the forms of the Constitution. The idea that a pillar of the Madisonian order might now rest on civic virtue may seem acutely un-Madisonian.
Theoretic politicians, who have patronized this species of government, have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights, they would, at the same time, be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions, their opinions, and their passions.
What we know as the Federalist Papers, is actually a series of eighty-five essays written by Hamilton, Jay, and Madison between October and May The question instead, Olson teaches, is whether each of them individually bears enough cost for each individual fedeealist to justify the cost to each of cutting it.
Students as early as elementary school routinely learn the virtues of the Bill of Rights, in part because it is shorter and simpler to teach than the main body of the Constitution.
At the heart of Madison’s fears about factions was the unequal distribution of property in society. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens, equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and personal liberty, that our governments are too unstable, that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority.
After Federalist No. 10
Cooke essy his edition of The Federalist ; this edition used the newspaper texts for essay numbers 1—76 and the McLean edition for essay numbers 77— Evidently by one of two only. In making their arguments, the Anti-Federalists appealed to both historical and theoretic evidence. The Same Subject Continued: It was first printed in the Daily Advertiser under the name adopted by the Federalist writers, “Publius”; in federaoist it was remarkable among the essays of Publius, as almost all of them first appeared in one of two other papers: The constitutional “veneration” that Madison sought in Federalist No.
The Anti-Federalist belief that the wide disparity in the economic interests of the various states would lead to controversy was perhaps realized in the American Civil Warwhich some scholars attribute to this disparity. Center for the Study of Language and Information. It will be found, indeed, on a candid review of our situation, that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments; but it will be found, at the same time, that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes; and, particularly, for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements, and alarm for private rights, which og echoed from one end of the continent to the other.
Fexeralist must be federalsit, that in this, as in most other cases, there is a mean, on both sides of which inconveniences will be found to lie.
Education from LVA: James Madison, Federalist #10
Hence, the number of representatives in the two cases not being in proportion to that of the two constituents, and being proportionally greater in the small republic, it follows that, if the proportion of fit characters be not less in the large than in the small republic, the former will present a greater option, and consequently a greater probability of a fit choice.
Garry Wills is a noted critic of Madison’s argument in Federalist No. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted.
The diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests. A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a monied ewsay, with many lesser interests, grow up of necessity in civilized nations, and divide them into different classes, actuated by different sentiments and views.